The locksmiths already oiled the accesses to the Hall of Agreements. The question now is who enters, what it brings and what it takes out. The professionals of the ganzúa Rogelio Frigerio, Miguel Pichetto took a photo on Tuesday, a contribution to the format of the policy of these hours, which is copied from that finding of the black and white TV that was Say it with Mimic. Difficult to ask politicians something more than silent gestures. “The period that goes from now to the closing of lists is the most slippery of all, we should not talk about people, only about projects,” says Marcos Peña’s instruction to the cabinet. It illustrates what this walk on thin ice is, in which “people are only talked about and not about projects”. That appearance of the minister in the office of the CEO of the federal Peronism, opened an atrium of negotiations that is the closest thing to a political pact to which the ruling party and the opposition have come. It is about bringing positions between the government and rational Peronism, to build the consensus that I can make things easier for them at the beginning of the mandate of Mauricio Macri. That project of the Bicentennial Consensus, which Pichetto and Ernesto Sanz envisioned, sank on the threshold of the Casa Rosada. Now it is reborn as an electoral style, which can be functional to the strategy of Change, to have friends of the Peronism in the ballotage, and also to the alternative Peronism that has been decided, since the triumph of the “republican” Schiaretti, to be as far as possible from the Patria Institute. Pichetto put the label on the folder: “Economic and Social Agreement” and is the subject of a bill that will present in the Senate a club of friends, which is making conscription of partners. If it prospers, it will be the soul of a political, programmatic and electoral pact, but without putting together lists of candidates. According to what the lustrous boiserie of Pichetto’s office heard, that project will be a synthesis of the proposals made by the government, Roberto Lavagna, Sergio Massa and those who have approached the partners of Cambiemos. In other words, what is known as growth goals, inflation, employment growth, respect for contracts, and shielding of what was achieved by negotiating between the Nation and governors. In this, the closest thing is Fiscal Consensus II and the product of the 2018 Budget, the most negotiated in history and containing the agreement with the Fund.
A test for the agreement block: campaign financing
This approach will go to Congress with the idea of being supported by the forces of both sides, which approved, for example, the campaign financing law, which admits the contributions of companies. That is to say a mix of Cambiemos, the PJ federals, massismo, the Coalition, the block of the santiagueños and a myriad of loose legislators. This by way of example, because of the Coalition was divided by voting on Article 4 of that rule, but ensured that it was approved. Elisa Carrió voted in general in favor but in particular rejected that clause, which still reached to be approved by 135 votes needed 129 with the contribution of two deputies of the strictest observance of Lilita, as “Toty” Flores and Javier Campos. This is the man who put the house for the first meeting of Carrió with Macri, which gave rise to the alliance Cambiemos. They are votes that express the rationality of the head of the CC even in moments when she acts on the edges that she would understand that this rule was necessary for the whole, and could not fall because she disagreed.
An opportunity for “republican” Peronism
The optimists believe that there is much to offer to these alternatives that have Pichetto in the lead, in an agreement that facilitates the ballotage for Change, in exchange for facilities and governability between 2019 and 2023. First, the governors of second generation of Peronism Peppo, Bordet, Uñac, etc. may prefer to have him from president to Macri without re-election, and not to Cristina, of whom they know the style. Macri has been generous with the provinces, has negotiated financial health with them that they did not have before 2015, and they have benefited from what some call a “naive federalism”, that is to say giving without receiving much (for example, that they voted for him). to Macri the electronic vote after they promised it in Olivos). Being on the side of the agreement, helps them build the “republican” Peronism that Schiaretti requested, and corner Cristinism in the minority role in Peronism. For that lot of Peronists, it makes sense to give a hand to Cambiemos in exchange for facilities that can be included in the 2020 Budget project, which will be discussed between the first round and an eventual ballotage. In December, for example, the social emergency that was approved in 2016 expires and he promised 30,000 million (of incomplete fulfillment) for social organizations. It is not conceivable that the government or the opposition will drop this emergency and even less, that they will miss the opportunity to turn their renewal into a banner of their electoral campaigns. That law was negotiated with the opposition and Pope Francis, and may be another point of agreement with the Peronist friends.
Zalemas with Macri at the elevator door
In the government they have listened to the voices about this agreement of Peronism, like Pichetto with Frigerio, and of their own, who discuss when it is better to close the agreement. Some believe it should be done between the first round and the ballotage. Others understand that it must be done now, before the closing of the lists. The subject has been in the talks that Macri and Peña have held, in addition to Frigerio, with allies such as Jesús Rodríguez and Ernesto Sanz, who was at the Plaza Mayor dinner. The government listens to them, because it was achieved in that dinner to ensure that 70% 80% of the conventional ones will approve the continuity in Cambiemos, although with conditions more in form than content, but tied to the accord wing of the Government House. That spirit explains the zalemas of Thursday morning, when Macri waited for Negri in the private elevator of the government house. The boss of the interblock had the lunch a private tribute to the gesta in Cordova with Peña, but when the president found out that “Marito” arrived, he stopped the elevator for the hug. They whitewashed hours of chatting during the Cordoba elections, which they kept secret so they would not fight more with other allies. He invited him to return to the cabinet meetings and that nobody is surprised if Negri is not a candidate for a deputy to recompose the interblock’s commands, hurt by the announced migration of Emilio Monzó and Nicolás Massot. The leaders of the Cambiemos parties had signed a “motu proprio” (as they call in the Vatican to the praetorian orders of the Pope) saying that who was a candidate in a province could not be then a national office. Now nobody remembers who this dart was for. Of course, Negri was affected by that opinion that may last less than the light melody (Borges, “The tango”, poem) and return to the bench could have a prize, the presidency of the House. Someone went ahead to screw Cristian Ritondo in that position. Nor does anyone know for what. “It’s a club”, says one of the tenants of the presidential area who looks with affection on Negri’s fate in Congress.